Withdrawal of BRP 9701 shall be a beginning of changing course by the Philippines

 

On August 26, 2024, an officer from China Coast Guard monitors Philippine Coast Guard ship 4411 which ilegally intruded into waters near China's Xianbin Jiao. Photo: China Coast Guard

It is reported that the Philippine Coast Guard ship 9701 has left Xianbin Jiao (also known as Xianbin Reef) of China's Nansha Islands, which has been illegally stationed for near five months, three days after the China-Philippine BCM meeting on the South China Sea Issue on September 11, but the Philippines did not inform the Chinese side in advance. The ship's departure shows the failure of this round of infringing provocations by the Philippines and is also a step forward in achieving peace and stability in the South China Sea.

But the Philippines and its backers will not admit defeat. How to persuade those are bent on changing the status quo in the South China Sea with infringement, and even expect to "invoke" the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty to force China to give up its sovereignty and development interests, and to persuade them to recognize that China will not retreat on her sovereignty and territorial issues, is indeed a matter that requires effort and long-term patience.

First of all, it would be absurd for the Philippines to package the evacuation of BRP 9701 as a "triumphant return" after completing the "mission." To the outside world, it was obvious that the airdrop of supplies on August 28 was only a drop in the bucket, and the ship's withdrawal was more likely a helpless move after running out of supplies. Of course, the Philippines and its supporters have always been good at packaging "victory" as proof that US commitments really "work." But this is of little practical value, other than to delight a few Filipino elites and their backers.

Second, the Philippines may stick to the "misery selling" strategy, that is, hyping up China's "inhumane" obstruction of Philippine ships to resupply. However, it was in fact the BRP 9701 that invaded and forcibly stayed in the lagoon of Xianbin Jiao, and it could completely leave the lagoon on its own. The so-called need for "humanitarian supplies" is a false claim created by the Philippines. Facts have proved that the Chinese ships exercising control in the nearby waters did not stop the Philippine ship sailing away from the reef. As soon as the BRP 9701 left Xianbin Jiao, the "humanitarian crisis" was gone with it.

Finally, the Philippine side may also smear its retreat as "freedom to come and go" within its "jurisdiction." This is certainly the freedom of speech of the Philippines. Nevertheless, the struggles in recent months have demonstrated that if the Philippine side deliberately provokes and tries to force China to accept its change of the status quo in the South China Sea, it will face strong countermeasures from China. But when they choose to withdraw, China will adhere to the principle of "good to go" and not interfere. Therefore, the Philippines enjoys the freedom to respect China's sovereignty and national interests, but it does not have the freedom to make willful provocations without being stopped or countered.

It is for sure that this round of withdrawal does not mean that the Philippines will give up. Next, the Philippine Government may accuse China of still "staying" in the waters of Xianbin Jiao. But this accusation ignores the premise that China is conducting law-enforcement patrols in waters under its own jurisdiction, and without question it can stay as long as it deems necessary. Second, the withdrawal of the Philippine Coast Guard ship 9701 was done without informing China or indicating its intention to follow up. According to the latest statement of the Philippine National Maritime Commission, the BRP 9701 will still "resume its mission" after the withdrawal and completion of replenishment. Whether it intends to storm Xianbin Jiao again after repairs and supplies or send a new ship to invade, it is still worthy of caution. But for the Philippines, the lesson should be clear: Any new provocation will only invite stronger countermeasures from China, regardless of whether its next "mission" is accompanied by any warship from a third party. If the Philippines moves this kind of illegal ground sitting or illegal stay to other islands and reefs in the South China Sea, the Chinese side is also ready to shift its position and block it at any time.

It is difficult for the Philippines to succeed in illegal sitting and staying on the Chinese territory in the South China Sea, and it cannot be ruled out that the Philippines is again hyping up a "second arbitration" on the so-called environmental issue. In this regard, the Ministry of Natural Resources of China published the "A Survey Report on the Coral Reef Ecosystem of Xianbin Jiao" on August 30, elaborating on the good ecosystem status of China's Xianbin Jiao so far, and the great efforts made by China to investigate and publicize the original ecological status of Xianbin Jiao. It is precisely the illegal stay of the BRP 9701 for nearly five months that poses a real danger of pollution to the coral ecosystem of Xianbin Jiao.

In conclusion, it is a good thing that the Philippines has withdrawn the ship, and other provocations will not work. The Philippine side should take this withdrawal as a beginning of changing its South China Sea policy and shift focus onto developing pragmatic relations with China.

The author is an assistant research fellow from the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn

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Engagement is vital

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  Engagement is vital

    Chinese Coast Guard vessels fire water cannons towards a Philippine resupply vessel Unaizah May 4 on its way to a resupply mission at Seco...

Philippine conspiracy of illegally occupying Ren’ai Jiao doomed to end in failure

Courting Manila, US and its allies try to 'paint a troublemaker as a victim' 

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• China to step up counteractions if Manila keeps provocation: expert
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The only correct choice for the Philippines is to leave Xianbin Jiao immediately

The Philippines should not underestimate the high costs that will inevitably arise from challenging China and undermining regional security, nor should it assume that it has the backing of major powers. For the P

Philippine vessel's illegal behavior and despicable motive

The Philippines' despicable actions disregard the safety of its own vessel and its personnel, and disrupt peace and stability in the South China Sea.

Engagement is vital

 

Chinese Coast Guard vessels fire water cannons towards a Philippine resupply vessel Unaizah May 4 on its way to a resupply mission at Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea in March. — Reuters

THE South China Sea is a bustling waterway with growing freight and naval passages, combining widespread commercial and military interests.

More than 80% of world trade exceeding US$5 trillion (RM21.67 trillion) in value traverses these much-contested waters each year, fusing high economics with heated geopolitics.

Not least, the South China Sea sees a convergence of intemperate conduct by some claimant countries alongside some hard-nosed commonsensical prudence. Most claimants to these waters including Malaysia opt for the latter approach.

Brunei, China, Malaysia, Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam are the contending claimants to part or all of the Spratlys, a group of rocks, reefs, shoals and other maritime features in the South China Sea.

Indonesia and China have rival claims to the Natuna Islands at the southern end of the sea, on the cusp of the Natuna Sea. Indonesia has renamed the area the North Natuna Sea, but whether that helps solidify its stake is unclear.

Among Malaysia’s claims are Luconia Shoals, at the mid-point between Sarawak’s shore and the fullest extent of Malaysia’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) 200 nautical miles from shore.

On August 29, the Philippine Daily Inquirer newspaper reported that China had sent a diplomatic note to the Malaysian Embassy in Beijing protesting Malaysia’s oil exploration activities at Luconia Shoals.

Such official notes between governments are nothing new, but always confidential or classified. How it leaked for the Inquirer to expose it to the world should be investigated, and Malaysia is doing that.

Context can help explain the newspaper’s motivation. Among all the claimant parties, the Philippines backed by its US ally’s military forces is the most assertive in trying to face down China on the high seas.

Until the first half of this year, Vietnam seemed to be an informal partner of the Philippines in confronting China over its claims. Then after an abrupt change of President and a Deputy Prime Minister, Vietnam warmed to China again and the Philippines was left without an Asean partner.

Exploiting the release of China’s diplomatic note could provoke Malaysia, or some Malaysians, to seek a tougher line with Beijing.

The news report described China’s mild note to Malaysia as a “warning”, just when China and Malaysia are on the best of terms marking the 50th anniversary of their diplomatic relations this year.

Rival claims between China, Taiwan, Vietnam and the Philippines are more conflated with one another than with Malaysia’s and Brunei’s limited claims further south. Philippine claims may be more troubling for Malaysia because of its on-off claims to Sabah and the implications on maritime territory off Borneo’s north coast.

On Dec 12, 2019, Malaysia filed its claim to an extended continental shelf with the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf off northern Sabah. Both China and the Philippines were upset, but Manila displayed far more drama.

Beijing sent a delegation to Kuala Lumpur to seek clarification. In an unofficial capacity, I explained that Malaysia’s act was consistent with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos), which China and Malaysia had signed and ratified.

The delegation asked follow-up questions, took notes, and left without any complaint, argument or “warning”. The Philippines was particularly stung because Malaysia’s move undermined its claim to the entire Kalayaan Island Group between northern Sabah and southern Mindanao, and to Sabah itself, both of which Malaysia rejects.

The Marcos Jr government is not pressing Manila’s claim to Sabah, relegating it to a “private matter” among Sulu claimants. However, as long as their illegitimate claim to Sabah is not fully revoked and annulled, Philippine-Malaysia relations will remain constrained and their rival claims in the South China Sea will stay complicated.

Manila’s confrontational approach towards China is unlikely to gain traction from other Asean nations favouring pragmatism on at least five key issues.

First, the South China Sea disputes should see a conclusive resolution sooner or later, but preferably sooner rather than later.

Second, that resolution must be political and diplomatic, not military. There can be no military “solution” of any kind, so posturing on the high seas makes any resolution harder or impossible to achieve.

Third, naval brinkmanship begets naval brinkmanship. Residual goodwill, if any, disappears while the prospect of a peaceful settlement diminishes.

Fourth, avoiding force and confrontation in seeking a solution does not mean abandoning the search for solutions. Instead it reflects a thoughtful maturity enabling real solutions to be reached jointly, fully consistent with Asean’s Treaty of Amity and Cooperation that claimant parties already accept.

Fifth, talking to another claimant is to engage the other party in meaningful discussion. It does not imply accepting the other party’s rival claims unconditionally.

China’s nine-dash line in the South China Sea began as an 11-dash line of a 1947 official map by the Nationalist Government under Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang Party. It lost the 1949 civil war and escaped to Taiwan, whose 11-dash line today still claims virtually all the South China Sea.

In 1952 Vietnam negotiated with China to remove two of the 11 dashes close to its coast. Later Taiwan’s provocations resulted in Beijing declaring a 10th-dash line off the island’s east coast but not in the South China Sea.

China’s nine-dash line claim covers such features as banks, cays, reefs and shoals in the area but not the international waters between them. Two important lessons from these developments are clear.

One, peaceful negotiations can result in a revision of the precise scope of China’s maritime claims. The Taiwan Strait and Taiwan, which claims more of the South China Sea than China, are “more core” to Beijing than the legacy claims of lines whose exact coordinates Chinese cartographers themselves are uncertain about.

Two, confrontations are much more likely to worsen the situation. In the headlong rush into military posturing threatening a war with no winners, the choice of which is the better, saner approach is obvious enough.

 Bunn Nagara is BRI director and senior fellow as well as Perak Academy honorary fellow. The views expressed here are solely his own.

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Of leaked notes and ruffled feathers

Xiangshan Forum Concludes After 3 Days of In-Depth Discussions

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  China calls for pooling strength for peace at Beijing Xiangshan Forum

  The 11th Beijing Xiangshan Forum entered its second day on Friday with an official opening ceremony highlighted by a congratulatory letter from Chinese President Xi Jinping and a keynote speech by Chinese Defense Minister Dong Jun, as the keyword “peace” became the dominant theme of the event.

  By Liu Xuanzun, Wang Qi and Li Aixin | 2024/9/14 1:04:32
• Philippine ship retreats from Xianbin Jiao after 5 months of illegal anchoring, highlighting China's restraint and effective control: experts
  
  

  a

• Philippine ship's withdrawal from Xianbin Jiao shows China properly managed the situation, but vigilance toward future provocations necessary: experts
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  China's top security and defense forum, the Beijing Xiangshan Forum, kicked off on Thursday with a series of high-end interviews on topics such as the Global Security Initiative, the Global South, the security in the Asia-Pacific and the China-US relations, as a record-breaking number of participants from more than 100 countries and international organizations gathered in Beijing under the theme of the event, "Promoting Peace for a Shared Future."

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#Opinion: It is a good thing that the Philippines has withdrawn the ship from China’s Xianbin Jiao, and other provocations will not work. The Philippine side should take this withdrawal as a beginning of changing its South China Sea policy and shift focus onto developing pragmatic relations with China. https://globaltimes.cn/page/202409/1319855.shtml…

Philippine conspiracy of illegally occupying Ren’ai Jiao doomed to end in failure

 

Two Chinese coast guard ships use water canon on a Philippine coast guard ship as it attempts to illegally enter the waters near Ren'ai Jiao on March 5, 2024. Photo: VCG

Editor's Note:

Over recent months, the Philippines has continuously undermined China's territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests by illegally intruding into the waters adjacent to China's Huangyan Dao (also known as Huangyan Island) and Ren'ai Jiao (also known as Ren'ai Reef). On March 5, two Philippine supply ships and two coast guard ships once again illegally intruded into the waters near Ren'ai Jiao in the South China Sea. They attempted to deliver supplies to a military vessel illegally "grounded" at Ren'ai Jiao. The China Coast Guard (CCG) took necessary measures to deal with the Philippine ships in accordance with domestic and international law. The Chinese Embassy in the Philippines also lodged representations with the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines over its illegal trespassing.

A review of the CCG's enforcement announcements since the beginning of this year shows that more than half of them are related to the Philippines. Since August 2023, the Philippines has been unilaterally conducting provocative actions near Ren'ai Jiao and adjacent waters, and has been hyping up so-called "water cannon incidents" and "collision incidents" to defame China's lawful and professional actions. In response to Philippine provocations, China has taken countermeasures and released on-site videos to refute attacks and smears from foreign media outlets. 

Looking back in history, China was the first country to name and include Ren'ai Jiao in its administrative jurisdiction. However, the Philippines has been attempting to illegally occupy Ren'ai Jiao through the "grounding" of vessels there in order to permanently control it, with the instigation of and support from the US.

Through collections from historical materials, evidence, and interviews with marine experts, the Global Times is publishing a series of stories to illustrate how the Philippines disregards historical fact, distorts international law, and violates the consensus, which was reached and repeatedly confirmed through negotiations between China and the Philippines. This is the second installment in the series, illustrating why China indisputably holds sovereignty over Ren'ai Jiao and its adjacent waters. Ren'ai Jiao has always been Chinese territory and is an integral part of China's Nansha Islands geographically, economically, politically, and historically.


Territory from ancient times

Ren'ai Jiao, which is located within 9°39'N to 9°48'N and 115°51'E to 115°54'E, is an atoll about 15 kilometers long and 5.6 kilometers wide. It has always been Chinese territory and is an integral part of China's Nansha Islands. As early as in the 2nd century BC, the Chinese people of the Western Han Dynasty (206BC-AD25) sailed in the South China Sea and discovered Nanhai Zhudao (South China Sea islands) in their long course of activities.

China was the first country to have named Ren'ai Jiao, and the first to have effectively exercised jurisdiction over it. The West calls Ren'ai Jiao "Second Thomas Shoal," believing that it was "discovered" by the British explorer Thomas Gilbert in the 1880s. But in fact, Chinese fishermen have been using it as an important fishing point from the wind before his discovery. 

In the navigation manual used by Chinese fishermen since the Ming Dynasty(1368-1644), Ren'ai Jiao is dubbed the Broken Sections. This name, which has lasted over a thousand years, implies that Ren'ai Jiao mostly exposed during low tide, with the southern half breaking into several segments.

China's sovereignty over the islands in South China Sea was not challenged until the 20th century. During the World War II, Japan invaded and illegally occupied several South China Sea islands. After World War II, the Chinese government resumed the exercise of sovereignty over these islands in accordance with the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, and formally named Ren'ai Jiao as "Ren'ai Ansha." 

In 1948, China published the "Location map of the South China Sea Islands", which clearly incorporates the Nansha Islands in their entirety into China's map, and labels "Ren'ai Ansha" as part of the Nansha Islands. According to the website China Nanhai, this position has been widely acknowledged by the international community, including the US. Many maps published by the US and European countries have recognized Nanhai Zhudao, including Ren'ai Jiao, as Chinese territory.

In 1983, China's Geographical Names Committee announced Ren'ai Jiao as its standard geographical name, noting that it's commonly used "Broken Sections" among local fishermen. In 1987, China's Nansha scientific research team conducted an all-round investigation of Nanhai Zhudao and landed on Ren'ai Jiao, leaving a stone monument and markers. The Law of the People's Republic of China on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone issued in 1992 also clearly stated that the Dongsha Islands, Xisha Islands, Zhongsha Islands, and Nansha Islands, including Ren'ai Jiao, are China's inherent territory.

Down-and-dirty plot

The Philippines was under Spanish, and later, US colonial rule. Yet as its suzerain, neither of the two countries included Ren'ai Jiao within its territorial boundaries, nor did they raise any objection to China's sovereignty over Nansha Qundao, which included Ren'ai Jiao. 

Prior to the 1970s, Philippine laws had clearly defined its territorial scope, which did not cover the islands and reefs in the South China Sea. However, since the 1970s, the Philippines has illegally occupied eight islands and reefs in China's Nansha Islands, namely, Mahuan Dao, Feixin Dao, Zhongye Dao, Nanyao Dao, Beizi Dao, Xiyue Dao, Shuanghuang Shazhou, and Siling Jiao. In June 1978, it unilaterally went beyond its territorial scope to set up the so-called "Kalayaan Island Group," which violates China's territorial sovereignty.

After the Meiji Jiao (also known as Meiji Reef) incident of 1995, the Philippines began to covet Ren'ai Jiao, which is not far from Meiji Jiao. 

"Back then, the Philippine military had an internal discussion and decided that since the Philippines had suffered a setback in Meiji Jiao, they would need to make up for it in some other ways. As a result, they played the trick of occupying an island by grounding their warship on it," Chen Xiangmiao, director of the World Navy Research Center at the National Institute for South China Sea Studies, told the Global Times.

On May 9, 1999, the day after the US bombed the Chinese Embassy in Yugoslavia, the Philippines dispatched BRP Sierra Madre, an old WWII-era warship, to invade Ren'ai Jiao and illegally left it grounded under the pretext of technical problems. In disregard of China's solemn representations, the Philippines brazenly claimed that it was an accident and that the warship could not be towed away due to "lack of spare parts."

Ge Hongliang, vice dean of the ASEAN College at the Guangxi University for Nationalities, told the Global Times that there were two main considerations behind the Philippines' illegal "grounding" on the Ren'ai Jiao in 1999. 

First, the Philippines attempted divert attention from public opinion following the US bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade. Second, it aimed to occupy Ren'ai Jiao before China and the ASEAN began negotiations on the Code of Conduct (COC) in the South China Sea because the default premise of the negotiations at that time was that countries would no longer occupy new islands and reefs. 

In September 2003, upon the news that the Philippines was preparing to build facilities around that military vessel illegally grounded at Ren'ai Jiao, China lodged immediate representations. 

China Coast Guard inspects at waters near Ren'ai Jiao in China's Nansha Islands on November 10, 2023. Photo: Visual News

The then Philippine acting secretary of foreign affairs Franklin Ebdalin responded that the Philippines had no intention of constructing facilities on Ren'ai Jiao and that, as a signatory to the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC), the Philippines had no desire to and would not be the first to violate the Declaration. However, this commitment was repeatedly broken by the Philippines.

In May 2013, the Philippines "accused" China of obstructing its humanitarian supplies to Ren'ai Jiao, publicly claiming sovereignty over the reef for the first time, further exposing its ambition to occupy Ren'ai Jiao.

In March 2014, the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs issued a statement openly declaring that the vessel grounded at Ren'ai Jiao was placed there as a permanent Philippine government installation. This was an apparent attempt to provide an excuse for its continued refusal to fulfill its undertaking to tow away the vessel so as to illegally seize Ren'ai Jiao. China immediately responded that it was shocked by this statement and reiterated that it would never allow the Philippines to seize Ren'ai Jiao under any circumstances.

In July 2015, the Philippines stated publicly that the "maintenance repair" was being done to fortify the vessel.

From illegally grounding at the Ren'ai Jiao to continuously breaking its promise to remove the vessel, and finally taking reinforcement measures to fortify the vessel, the Philippines has proven through its actions that it is the first country to openly violate the DOC.

Filipino political commentator Rigoberto Tiglao pointed out in his article in 2021 that grounding the Sierra Madre as a desperate way to "maintain our claim" on the Ren'ai Jiao is a "very bad idea." "It has been a national disgrace," he pointed out. 

Chen told the Global Times that after Philippine president Duterte took office in 2016, China and the Philippines reached an agreement on managing the dispute over Ren'ai Jiao. From then until 2022, the Philippines generally complied with the agreement, and the situation at Ren'ai Jiao remained calm. 

However, shortly after the current Philippine President Marcos took office, the Philippines did away with the agreement, leading to a sudden escalation of tensions over Ren'ai Jiao. 

Chen pointed out that the Philippines first fabricated lies to illegally "occupy" the reef, which constitutes diplomatic fraud. They then turned the tables and accused China of interfering with their resupply operations, leading the international community to mistakenly believe that Ren'ai Jiao belongs to the Philippines. According to Chen, the Philippines also spread rumors to portray themselves as victims to deceive the international community. Their intention is to increase China's diplomatic and public opinion costs, in order to force China to compromise.

At the same time, the current tensions in the South China Sea also stem from the meticulous planning by the US and Western countries. Over the last 20 years, biased press reports from Western media have depicted the Philippines as a "small impoverished country challenging the bullying of a superpower." 

In 2013, after conducting an interview on the grounded Sierra Madre, reporters from the New York Times issued a report titled "A Game of Shark and Minnow," in which they claimed "the scorched shell of the Sierra Madre has become an unlikely battleground in a geopolitical struggle that will shape the future of the South China Sea and, to some extent, the rest of the world."

Two Philippine small transport ships and three coast guard vessels enter the waters near Ren'ai Jiao in China's Nansha Islands on November 10, 2023 without the permission of the Chinese government. The China Coast Guard lawfully monitors and controls the Philippine vessels. Photo: Visual News

 

For a long time, the US has been inciting the Philippines to repair and strengthen the illegally grounded warship. It has even sent military aircraft and warships to carry out so-called "free navigation" and "reconnaissance" operations, conducted military exercises and joint patrols in countries surrounding the South China Sea, and threatened China with the implementation of the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty.

Clear bottom line

The vessel Sierra Madre has been illegally grounded at Ren'ai Jiao for nearly 25 years. According to a recent comment made by the spokesperson of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, China has shown extraordinary restraint and patience concerning Ren'ai Jiao. 

For quite some time, it has sought to have frequent communication with the Philippines on various levels and through various channels, making its position clear that the Philippines must not send construction materials meant to repair and reinforce the "grounded" warship on a large scale. 

The Philippines, however, chose to ignore China's goodwill and sincerity, and has reneged on its own promise, continually sent vessels into the waters of Ren'ai Jiao, spreading disinformation, and playing up the issue.

"The Philippines has always gambled regarding the South China Sea issue, attempting to commit infringements in the region during a time of great power competition. In the past, they secretly sent construction materials to Ren'ai Jiao. Now they go even further by developing a national strategy which seeks to occupy the so-called West Philippine Sea, with Ren'ai Jiao included," Hu Bo, director of the South China Sea Strategic Situation Probing Initiative (SCSPI), told the Global Times.

Through both words and actions, China can show its bottom lines to the Philippines, thus making it withdraw from the dispute. China's recent response concerning Ren'ai Jiao has already showed its determination to safeguard its sovereignty, Hu stressed.

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